Amazigh tunisia – Liby Amazigh http://libyamazigh.org/ Mon, 18 Oct 2021 00:54:48 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.8 https://libyamazigh.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/cropped-icon-1-32x32.png Amazigh tunisia – Liby Amazigh http://libyamazigh.org/ 32 32 Artists and critics join Riyadh Art Memento exhibition focus groups https://libyamazigh.org/artists-and-critics-join-riyadh-art-memento-exhibition-focus-groups/ https://libyamazigh.org/artists-and-critics-join-riyadh-art-memento-exhibition-focus-groups/#respond Mon, 18 Oct 2021 00:54:48 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/artists-and-critics-join-riyadh-art-memento-exhibition-focus-groups/

PARIS: “Somewhere between silence and words” revives memories of a trip to Algeria made by Florian Gaite, philosopher, art critic and curator of the exhibition which runs until November 28, 2021 at the Maison des Arts Malakoff centers in Paris.

The exhibit “seeks to bring forth the voices and silence that characterize Algeria so well,” Gaité told Arab News in France.

“It is an attentive ear beyond the Mediterranean. Algeria is a country as well known as it is unknown, and whose complexity – social, political and historical – is equivalent to the cultural diversity expressed there.

Gaite said he set up the project before the Hirak movement and the widespread protests in Algeria in early 2019.

“It upset my vision of the Algerian scene, a country that I did not know, and on which I had prejudices and preconceived ideas from an exclusively Western reading,” he added.

“When I arrived in Algeria, I realized that the sensitive and sensory experience felt there was made up of two extremes. On the one hand, it is an extremely talkative country, where several languages ​​are spoken, a kind of linguistic tinkering. The same language is not spoken from city to city or between generations.

“The older generation speaks Amazigh, their children speak French and Arabic, and the younger generation is more Arabic and English oriented. This stratification of languages ​​seemed crazy to me because in Algeria, there is also a lot of silence. It is a country where people whisper, where there is modesty, ”he said.

Gaite said Algeria is a country “marked by many traumas and a form of detention” because the same injuries are not discussed between generations.

“There are two pitfalls that I wanted to avoid: The first is to place myself in Western criticism coming to evoke the Algerian artistic scene, in which I am not specialized. The second consisted in choosing artists as simple mediators to bear witness to the Algerian. artistic scene. In fact, they know their country better than I do and their testimonies are more accurate and authentic.

According to the organizer of the exhibition, colonization, Islamism and state authoritarianism are among the many traumas in contemporary Algerian history.

“These are a series of causes, prohibitions, denials, repressions that hinder speech and often prevent its transcription in the form of a story. The presence of the testimony and documentary function in contemporary Algerian art thus responds to this need to bear witness to the past as well as the present – colonization, the war of liberation, socialism, the black decade, the Bouteflika era, the Hirak – and to propose rewritings, to unearth what has been erased or falsified, to give a voice to all that is forgotten, ”he declared.

“Somewhere between silence and words” brings together artists born, living or working in Algeria, including Louisa Babari, Adel Bentounsi, Walid Bouchouchi, Fatima Chafaa, Dalila Dalleas Bouzar, Mounir Gouri, Fatima Idiri, Sabrina Idiri Chemloul, Amina Menia and Sadek Rahim.

These Algerian or Franco-Algerian artists were selected by Gaité, who specifies that some are still poorly represented in French galleries.

“This exhibition, which includes more women than men, presents works made with various materials such as paper, charcoal or even fabric.

While in Oran, birthplace of Gaité’s grandmother, the curator met Sabrina Idiri Chemloul, a Franco-Algerian director, who introduced her to her mother, Fatima Idiri.

Born in Aurès, in northeastern Algeria, Idiri lived in Nancy in a family that was part of the resistance networks of the National Liberation Front.

Returning to the country after her independence, she is a self-taught artist – from styling to painting on silk, from mosaic to Berber embroidery – strongly influenced by Impressionism and Orientalism.

“The Hirak’s fervor has been a game-changer,” she said.

By choosing figurative drawing as an artistic identity, she strives to preserve the memory of one of the traditions of her native region, the Aurès, says Gaité.

“By creating his masterpieces from coffee grounds and acrylic, the artist pays homage to the free and liberated poets and singers that are Azriat.

Idiri studies colonial photography and seeks to deconstruct images to rediscover the spontaneity of avant-garde artists frowned upon, even marginalized, during the colonial period.

The exhibition also includes works by Mounir Gouri, winner of the Friends of the IMA (Arab World Institute) prize.

Based in France, Gouri produces moving paintings of “harraga”, or illegal immigrants, turning their journey into a performance.

Gaité highlights a painting of a starry sky, painted in charcoal. “The message that the artist wishes to convey is that when the harraga are in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea in the dark night, the stars are their only source of light.

Works by the visual artist Amina Menia, who lives and works in Algeria, are also on display. His art takes the form of an urban archeology, centered on places and architectural language.

Menia’s works have been exhibited in numerous museums, art centers and galleries, including the Center Pompidou in Paris, the New Museum of Contemporary Art in New York, the Museum of African Design in Johannesburg, the Museum of Contemporary Art in Marseille and the Royal Hibernian Academy of Dublin.

Works by Sadek Rahim, a multidisciplinary artist who lived in Syria and Jordan, and studied at the Beirut School of Fine Arts, are also presented.

“Somewhere between silence and words” takes place until November 28, 2021 at the Maison des arts de Malakoff, in the Hauts-de-Seine, in Paris.

This story was originally published in French on Arab News in English

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World’s oldest ghost image found on the British Museum’s Babylon Tablet https://libyamazigh.org/worlds-oldest-ghost-image-found-on-the-british-museums-babylon-tablet/ https://libyamazigh.org/worlds-oldest-ghost-image-found-on-the-british-museums-babylon-tablet/#respond Sat, 16 Oct 2021 18:51:39 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/worlds-oldest-ghost-image-found-on-the-british-museums-babylon-tablet/

PARIS: “Somewhere between silence and words” revives memories of a trip to Algeria made by Florian Gaite, philosopher, art critic and curator of the exhibition which runs until November 28, 2021 at the Maison des Arts Malakoff centers in Paris.

The exhibit “seeks to convey the voices and silence that characterize Algeria so well,” Gaité told Arab News in France.

“It is an attentive ear beyond the Mediterranean. Algeria is a country as well known as it is unknown, and whose complexity – social, political and historical – is equivalent to the cultural diversity expressed there.

Gaite said he set up the project before the Hirak movement and the widespread protests in Algeria in early 2019.

“It upset my vision of the Algerian scene, a country that I did not know, and on which I had prejudices and preconceived ideas from an exclusively Western reading,” he added.

“When I arrived in Algeria, I realized that the sensitive and sensory experience felt there was made up of two extremes. On the one hand, it is an extremely talkative country, where several languages ​​are spoken, a kind of linguistic tinkering. The same language is not spoken from city to city or between generations.

“The older generation speaks Amazigh, their children speak French and Arabic, and the younger generation is more Arabic and English oriented. This stratification of languages ​​seemed crazy to me because in Algeria, there is also a lot of silence. It is a country where people whisper, where there is modesty, ”he said.

Gaite said Algeria is a country “marked by many traumas and by a form of detention” because the same injuries are not discussed between generations.

“There are two pitfalls that I wanted to avoid: The first is to place myself as a Western critic coming to evoke the Algerian artistic scene, in which I am not specialized. The second consisted in choosing artists as simple mediators to bear witness to the Algerian. artistic scene. In fact, they know their country better than I do and their testimonies are more accurate and authentic.

According to the organizer of the exhibition, colonization, Islamism and state authoritarianism are among the many traumas in contemporary Algerian history.

“These are a series of causes, prohibitions, denials, repressions that hinder speech and often prevent its transcription in the form of a story. The presence of the testimony and documentary function in contemporary Algerian art thus responds to this need to bear witness to the past as well as the present – colonization, the war of liberation, socialism, the black decade, the Bouteflika era, the Hirak – and to propose rewritings, to exhume what has been erased or falsified, to give a voice to all that is forgotten, ”he declared.

“Somewhere between silence and words” brings together artists born, living or working in Algeria, including Louisa Babari, Adel Bentounsi, Walid Bouchouchi, Fatima Chafaa, Dalila Dalleas Bouzar, Mounir Gouri, Fatima Idiri, Sabrina Idiri Chemloul, Amina Menia and Sadek Rahim.

These Algerian or Franco-Algerian artists were selected by Gaité, who specifies that some are still poorly represented in French galleries.

“This exhibition, which includes more women than men, presents works made with various materials such as paper, charcoal or even fabric.

While in Oran, birthplace of Gaité’s grandmother, the curator met Sabrina Idiri Chemloul, a Franco-Algerian director, who introduced her to her mother, Fatima Idiri.

Born in Aurès, in northeastern Algeria, Idiri lived in Nancy in a family that was part of the resistance networks of the National Liberation Front.

Returning to the country after her independence, she is a self-taught artist – from styling to painting on silk, from mosaic to Berber embroidery – strongly influenced by Impressionism and Orientalism.

“Hirak’s fervor has changed the game,” she said.

By choosing figurative drawing as an artistic identity, she strives to preserve the memory of one of the traditions of her native region, the Aurès, says Gaité.

“By creating his masterpieces from coffee grounds and acrylic, the artist pays homage to the free and liberated poets and singers that are Azriat.

Idiri studies colonial photography and seeks to deconstruct images in order to rediscover the spontaneity of avant-garde artists frowned upon, even marginalized, during the colonial period.

The exhibition also includes works by Mounir Gouri, winner of the Friends of the IMA (Arab World Institute) prize.

Based in France, Gouri produces moving paintings of “harraga”, or illegal immigrants, turning their journey into a performance.

Gaité highlights a painting of a starry sky, painted in charcoal. “The message that the artist wishes to convey is that when the harraga are in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea in the dark night, the stars are their only source of light.

Works by the visual artist Amina Menia, who lives and works in Algeria, are also on display. His art takes the form of an urban archeology, centered on places and architectural language.

Menia’s works have been exhibited in numerous museums, art centers and galleries, including the Center Pompidou in Paris, the New Museum of Contemporary Art in New York, the Museum of African Design in Johannesburg, the Museum of Contemporary Art in Marseille and the Royal Hibernian Academy of Dublin.

Works by Sadek Rahim, a multidisciplinary artist who lived in Syria and Jordan, and studied at the Beirut School of Fine Arts, are also presented.

“Somewhere between silence and words” takes place until November 28, 2021 at the Maison des arts de Malakoff, in the Hauts-de-Seine, in Paris.

This story was originally published in French on Arab News in English

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Does the change of government affect religious freedom in Morocco ?, Evangelical Focus https://libyamazigh.org/does-the-change-of-government-affect-religious-freedom-in-morocco-evangelical-focus/ https://libyamazigh.org/does-the-change-of-government-affect-religious-freedom-in-morocco-evangelical-focus/#respond Fri, 01 Oct 2021 12:28:48 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/does-the-change-of-government-affect-religious-freedom-in-morocco-evangelical-focus/

The Islamist Party for Justice and Development, in government since 2011, only won a tenth of the 125 deputies it had in the House of Representatives in the elections held in Morocco last September.

With only 13 places, the former main political party will now take a back seat in the opposition. The winner is the liberal Aziz Akhannouch, who got 102 deputies for his National Rally of Independents.

Akhannouch was appointed the new head of government and was tasked by King Mohammed VI to form a new government, with parties that “share the same principles and values”.

For Mustafa Akalay, renowned Moroccan academic figure, art historian and responsible for cultural activities, “the polls have spoken and the people chose a non-denominational government”.

“In these elections, the Justice and Development Party has been severely punished and abandoned by his own electoral base, disappointed by his clumsiness and his ambiguous and double standard speech ”, underlines Akalay.

After a decade with a government controlled by moderate Islamists, who came to power in the middle of the Arab Spring, many Moroccans are eagerly awaiting this new phase.

We are all excited about the political change. This is a new stage which opens in the pursuit of a new model of economic and human development in Morocco, designed by a commission of experts for a period of 15 years, until 2035 ”, explains Akalay.

Akalay thinks that “a new era of reform is looming and there are insights and good intentions for change, such as the election of women mayors in the three main cities: Rabat, Casablanca, Marrakech ”.

According to the academic, the population expressed its disappointment “at the chaotic management of cities. [by the government], and the incompetence of its leaders to implement a savage neoliberal economic policy based on the privatization of strategic sectors, favoring the well-to-do classes and punishing the most needy ”.

“They have also limited public recruitments in primary and secondary education, by not publishing public competitions and by introducing revocable private contracts, service provision contracts and not civil servant contracts, opening the door to the dismissal of these precarious employees, ”he adds.

For Akalay, the new government must embody “the establishment of a social state by generalizing social coverage, so that the most vulnerable can benefit from social protection and subsidies that preserve their dignity”.

“Without social justice, there is no democracy. a improving education and health care, as well as the right to decent work, are fundamental social rights enshrined in the 2011 Constitution which must be treated, legislated and implemented without delay ”, underlines Akalay.

The winner of the Moroccan elections, Aziz Akhannouch / Facebook Aziz Akhannouch

In addition, the president of the Amazigh (Berber) World Assembly, Rachid Raha, confirmed that the next Prime Minister has committed to the Amazigh movement to allocate a very large sum of one billion dirhams per yearr (over 95 million euros) for the promotion and development of the Amazigh language and culture.

Previously, the Benkirane government, in the name of an exclusionary and outdated pan-Arabism, had refused to recognize the linguistic and cultural Amazigh identity of the Moroccan population of origin, mainly Berber.

Another area of ​​society for which expectations are also renewed after elections is that of religious diversity.

“Religion is incompatible with politics and should not invade public space, nor shape the masses, but be limited to the private sphere,” Akalay says.

The scholar explains that “religious diversity exists in Morocco with proof of a long-standing presence»In cities like Tangier, where the Franciscan order has existed for eight centuries.

For religious minorities, the change of government should bring “respect for their beliefs and beliefs, that is, freedom of religion and worship, which will promote effective religious diversity and fruitful interreligious dialogue” , he emphasizes.

“We thank Jesus, the Islamists are gone. God answered our prayers and now we have the government we wanted, ”said Imounan, a church planter living in Agadir. Christianity today. “Akhannouch is a businessman. He doesn’t care if you worship the sun or the moon. He won’t chase you, ”said another second-generation Christian.

Spanish news site Protestant digital spoke to a community of Christians in Morocco who “prefer to meet in secret,” and they “have no desire to seek licenses from the Moroccan government. We are always ready to sacrifice our personal interests to serve the interests of the Kingdom of Morocco “.

Nevertheless, they “are very proud because political Islam came out of government through elections and pools and not through coups, as happened in Egypt, Tunisia or Algeria.”

“We consider that the Kingdom of Morocco represents a unique reference in its region, and it is in the process of peaceful transfer of power through elections and law enforcement», Concluded the Moroccan Christians.

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– Does the change of government affect religious freedom in Morocco?

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Behind the scenes of Tunisia’s extradition of an Algerian political refugee https://libyamazigh.org/behind-the-scenes-of-tunisias-extradition-of-an-algerian-political-refugee/ https://libyamazigh.org/behind-the-scenes-of-tunisias-extradition-of-an-algerian-political-refugee/#respond Tue, 14 Sep 2021 11:58:55 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/behind-the-scenes-of-tunisias-extradition-of-an-algerian-political-refugee/ In detail: Algerian political refugee Slimane Bouhafs was kidnapped in Tunisia and forcibly extradited. Amid mounting speculation, activists say this sets a worrying precedent for human rights after Kais Saied took power.

Rights groups in Tunisia are demanding an explanation from the authorities on the mysterious kidnapping of Algerian political refugee Slimane Bouhafs and his extradition to his country of origin, where he runs a serious risk of persecution.

Tunisian President Kais Saied on September 3 promised to open an investigation into the suspicious return of Bouhafs, 54, a converted Algerian Christian and refugee recognized by UNHCR, during a meeting with the Tunisian League for the Defense of Human Rights. ‘man (LTDH).

His promise to investigate came on the same day that Amnesty International called the Tunisian authorities to “carry out rapid and in-depth investigations into [Bouhafs’] kidnapping, enforced disappearance and enforced return to Algeria ”.

“Slimane Bouhafs, an Algerian Christian convert and refugee recognized by the UNHCR, was reportedly kidnapped in Tunisia on August 25 and later resurfaced in an Algerian police station”

“The launch of the investigation was more of a diplomatic move to end public criticism,” Zine said. Ghébouli, an Algerian political analyst, said The New Arabic. “If the story had grown, it would have created a problem for Tunisia, especially in this period of crisis since the takeover of the president, which has continued indefinitely.”

The circumstances of Bouhafs’ departure from Tunisia remain unclear. He was reportedly abducted by three men in civilian clothes from his home in Tunis on August 25. He disappeared for four days before resurfacing in an Algiers police station and then reappearing in an Algerian court on September 1 facing six undisclosed charges related to “terrorism”.

What made the case somewhat bizarre was the fact that on August 29, the same day the dissident was confirmed in detention, party leader Qalb Tounes and media mogul Nabil Karoui and his brother, Ghazi Karoui, were arrested in Algerian territory on charges of illegally crossing the border. A court in the eastern city of Constantine ordered Karoui’s detention on September 4.

Nabil Karoui was released by a Tunisian court on June 15 after spending more than six months in detention for money laundering and tax evasion.

According to Ghebouli, Algerian Foreign Minister Ramtane Lamamra’s frequent visits to Tunis this summer were aimed at “reaching an agreement” whereby Algerian leaders took advantage of President Saied’s vulnerability at the height of the political crisis in the small northern state. African.

On July 25, Saied took control of the country after suspending parliament and sacking the prime minister, later extending his takeover after a month.

“Algeria offered its political support to the Tunisian head of state after the events of July in exchange for the extradition of a political activist,” said the Algerian academic.

There has been growing speculation via the Algerian and Tunisian media that the arrest of the former Tunisian presidential candidate along with his brother came in exchange for the almost simultaneous surrender of the Algerian political refugee.

“After facing two years of unjust imprisonment in Algeria, Slimane Bouhafs went to Tunisia to seek safety, but it seems that he was not far enough from the reach of the Algerian government”

Algerian news site The avant-garde claims that Bouhafs was handed over to Algerian authorities as part of a deal that involved Algeria returning Nabil Karoui to Tunisia while Saied carried out an anti-corruption purge hitting politicians and businessmen.

Civil society organizations in Tunisia, on the other hand, have avoided such guesswork. A few days after the meeting with Saied, the secretary general of the Tunisian League for Human Rights, Béchir Laâbidi, excluded any link between the two cases, saying that the Karoui brothers would be sentenced to three months in prison suspended and expelled. directly to Tunisia according to Algerian law. .

Algeria and Tunisia are bound by an agreement stipulating the extradition by one or the other country “of any person prosecuted or convicted” in the other.

However, neither the Tunisian nor Algerian authorities have made a statement on the Bouhafs affair, nor have they specified whether he had been deported or extradited to Algeria in accordance with a request from the Algerian government, which aroused strong support. concerns about the questionable record.

The incident comes amid political uncertainty in Tunisia following the takeover of Kais Saied. [Getty].

Romdhane Ben Amor, spokesperson for the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES), denounced the silence of the Tunisian state, qualifying it as a “lack of responsibility” in reference to non-compliance with its international commitments.

Under international human rights law, Tunisia is obligated to protect refugees and must not return them to a country where they risk persecution or human rights violations.

In addition, Tunisia should respect its commitments as a State party to the Convention against Torture which explicitly prohibits the extradition of individuals to countries where they would risk being tortured or ill-treated.

It is also required to protect the right to life of individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction, under the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Ben Amor also criticized the United Nations Agency for Refugees in Tunisia, under whose protection Bouhafs had been placed, for reacting “not quickly” and “passively”.

UNHCR said it was “gravely concerned by reports of the forcible return to his country of origin of a refugee recognized by UNHCR in Tunisia” in an official response to his kidnapping.

“This action was staged within the framework of a security cooperation between the Tunisian and Algerian parties, in full coordination with the Tunisian Ministry of the Interior”, declared the person in charge of the communication of the FTDES. The New Arabic.

He wondered how the Tunisian presidency could ignore the Interior Ministry’s plan, arguing that the head of state currently holds all executive powers.

“We are very concerned that Tunisia has not fulfilled its obligation. This reflects the state of threatened rights and freedoms that we have observed since the President’s coup, ”the spokesperson said.

“There has been growing speculation that the arrest in Algeria of the former Tunisian presidential candidate Nabil Karoui, accompanied by his brother, came in exchange for the almost simultaneous delivery of Slimane Bouhafs “

“After suffering two years of unjust imprisonment in Algeria, Slimane Bouhafs traveled to Tunisia to seek refuge, but it seems that he was not far enough from the reach of the Algerian government”, declared Amna Guellali, Amnesty’s Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa. in a Press release.

“The Tunisian government shares responsibility for his fate and should reveal its role in his kidnapping and return,” she added.

The Algerian political opponent was sentenced in 2016 to three years in prison in Algeria for Facebook posts deemed offensive to Islam. He was released in 2018 after a presidential pardon and fled to Tunisia, then obtained refugee status in 2020.

Tunisia’s awareness or possible cooperation in the forcible transfer of Bouhafs to Algeria would constitute a serious violation of the principle of “non-refoulement” and of international refugee law, setting a worrying precedent for Tunis.

The incident caused great consternation among Tunisian civil society. At least 40 local rights groups have published a joint statement August 30, demanding “clarification from the [Tunisian] authorities on the mysterious circumstances ”of the Algerian activist. They also noted that the Tunisian constitution specifically prohibits the extradition of political refugees.

While the charges against the activist are still unknown, official sources cited in Algerian media said he was accused of belonging to the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylia (MAK), a political group that claims the independence of the predominantly Amazigh (Berber) region of Kabylia in the northwest as Algerian authorities define as a terrorist organization.

The forced return of Bouhafs comes against a backdrop of political repression under the pretext of counterterrorism in Algeria. Amnesty reported that since April this year, Algerian authorities have increasingly used general accusations of “terrorism” or “conspiracy against the state” to prosecute anti-Hirak regime activists and human rights defenders.

The High National Security Council (HCNS), chaired by Algerian President Tebboune, announced in May that the opposition political organization Rachad and the separatist group MAK had been designated “terrorist entities”. On August 18, the HCNS also ordered the arrest of all members of the two movements which the authorities accused of having played a role in the devastating fires in Kabylia.

On September 6, a few days after Bouahfs’ appearance before the Algiers court, Algerian police arrested 27 other alleged members of the MAK.

“The Algerian power now wants the public to focus on these two groups [MAK and Rachad] who are both seen as a threat to national security and generally hold them accountable for everything that happens at the national level, ”Ghebouli said.

According to the political analyst, despite suspicions about Tunisia’s role in the Bouhaf incident, little international attention will be paid to the story of an Algerian refugee forcibly returned at a time when the young Arab democracy is grappling with more pressing issues like a political roadmap, institutional legitimacy and the separation of powers.

Alessandra Bajec is a freelance journalist currently based in Tunis.

Follow her on Twitter: @AlexandreBajec


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Green energy takes hold https://libyamazigh.org/green-energy-takes-hold/ https://libyamazigh.org/green-energy-takes-hold/#respond Mon, 06 Sep 2021 08:35:54 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/green-energy-takes-hold/

It is of paramount importance that we examine the political economy of energy transitions in our current context where the energy security of the Global North trumps the human rights and sovereignty of the peoples of the South and where priorities are dictated by the people of the South. The richest and most powerful states and countries. multinationals.

Two examples of renewable energy programs in North Africa show how energy colonialism reproduces itself in the form of green colonialism – or green grabbing.

This series of articles was published in partnership with Dalia Gebrial and Harpreet Kaur Paul and the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung in London. It first appeared in a collection titled Perspectives on a Global Green New Deal.

Renewable

The Ouarzazate Solar Plan was launched in 2016 just before the climate negotiations in Marrakech – COP22. It has been hailed as the largest solar power plant in the world and the Moroccan monarchy has been declared a champion of renewable energies.

The factory was set up on the lands of the Amazigh agro-pastoral communities without their approval and consent, a land grab for a so-called green agenda – a green grab.

Second, this mega-project is privately controlled and was built by taking on massive US $ 9 billion in debt with the World Bank, European Investment Bank and others.

This debt is backed by guarantees from the Moroccan government, which potentially means more public debt for an already overburdened country.

Scandalous

Third, the project is not as green as it claims. It uses concentrated thermal energy (CSP) which requires a significant use of water to cool and clean the panels.

In a semi-arid region like Ouarzazate, diverting the use of water from consumption and agriculture is scandalous.

Likewise, the Tunur Solar project in Tunisia highlights how patented green technology is extracted as residents struggle to gain access to sufficient energy to meet their basic needs.

A private company between British, Maltese and Tunisian entrepreneurs, it aims to develop low-cost distributable energy to Europe.

Future

A familiar colonial pattern unfolds before our eyes: the limitless flow of cheap natural resources – including solar power – from the global South to the wealthy North as Fortress Europe erects walls and fences to prevent human beings – who seek a life of dignity – to reach safe shores.

Always ask the right questions: who owns what? Who does what? Who gets what? Who wins and who loses? And what interests are served?

To implement new, fair and genuinely green agreements that secure the future of people and the planet, we must pull nature out of the clutches of big business and relaunch the debate around justice, popular sovereignty of the masses and collective good.

The priority must be the energy autonomy of local communities and a radical democracy which takes precedence over the logic of a market which considers our lands and our means of subsistence as commodities to be sold to the highest bidders.

This author

Hamza Hamouchene is the North Africa Program Coordinator at the Transnational Institute based in London, UK.

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The son of the overthrown leader Muammar Gaddafi released from prison in Libya https://libyamazigh.org/the-son-of-the-overthrown-leader-muammar-gaddafi-released-from-prison-in-libya/ https://libyamazigh.org/the-son-of-the-overthrown-leader-muammar-gaddafi-released-from-prison-in-libya/#respond Mon, 06 Sep 2021 07:00:00 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/the-son-of-the-overthrown-leader-muammar-gaddafi-released-from-prison-in-libya/

Quick News

Saadi Gaddafi has been jailed in Tripoli since his extradition from Niger in 2014. He immediately flew to the Turkish city of Istanbul after his release, an official source said.

Saadi Gaddafi, son of Muammar Gaddafi, sits behind bars during a hearing in a courtroom in Tripoli, Libya on February 7, 2016 (Ismail Zetouni / Reuters)

Libyan authorities have released Saadi Gaddafi, a son of former leader Muammar Gaddafi who was overthrown and killed in a 2011 uprising, an official Libyan source and a unity government source said on Sunday.

Saadi Gaddafi fled for Niger during the NATO-backed uprising, but was extradited to Libya in 2014 and has since been imprisoned in Tripoli.

He immediately flew to Istanbul, the official source said.

Libya has experienced chaos, division and violence in the decade since the uprising. The national unity government was installed in March as part of a peace campaign that was also to include elections scheduled for December.

READ MORE: Do Khalifa Haftar’s actions indicate more violence in Libya?

Not guilty

His release is the result of negotiations involving senior tribal officials and Prime Minister Abdulhamid Dbeibeh, the official source said. Another source said the negotiations also involved former Interior Minister Fathi Bashagha.

In 2018, the Justice Ministry declared that Saadi Gaddafi had been found not guilty of “murder, deception, threats, enslavement and defamation of former player Bashir Rayani”.

In July, the New York Times said it interviewed Saadi’s brother, Saif al Islam Gaddafi, detained for years in the town of Zintan, as his supporters say he will run in the presidential elections scheduled for December.

READ MORE: Can the Libyan government organize the December elections without a budget?

Source: Reuters

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Amazighs ‘willing’ to participate in elections – Middle East Monitor https://libyamazigh.org/amazighs-willing-to-participate-in-elections-middle-east-monitor/ https://libyamazigh.org/amazighs-willing-to-participate-in-elections-middle-east-monitor/#respond Thu, 02 Sep 2021 07:00:00 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/amazighs-willing-to-participate-in-elections-middle-east-monitor/

Libya’s Amazigh community yesterday announced its readiness to participate in legislative and presidential elections slated for later this year. The announcement was made during a meeting in Tripoli between an Amazigh delegation and the head of the Presidential Council, Mohamed Al-Menfi.

Amazigh representatives included the head of the Supreme Council of Libyan Amazighs (SCLA), Hadi Bergig; the president of the Ibadi Supreme Council, Muhammad Al-Azabi; and the mayors of Kappa and Yafran, Mourad Makhlouf and Hussein Kafu respectively.

“The delegation affirmed its support for the Presidential Council in all measures taken to unify state institutions and realize the project of national reconciliation, and expressed its willingness to actively participate in the upcoming elections,” officials said. In addition, the delegation called on Al-Menfi to visit the Amazigh regions. “It would be a step towards realizing the right of citizenship and supporting the unity of the country.”

The Presidential Council has been working alongside the government of national unity since March to prepare Libya for the legislative and presidential elections on December 24. Responding to the delegation’s statement, Al-Menfi praised “the sincere desire of the Libyan Amazighs to participate in projects and programs aimed at achieving stability.” He stressed that he treats all Libyans from all regions in exactly the same way.

In 2014, the Constituent Assembly election saw limited turnout from Amazighs, who won two of the 60 seats. The community is politically represented by the SCLA, elected on August 30, 2015, in the main Amazigh areas of the country.

According to unofficial data, around ten percent of all Libyan citizens are Amazigh. However, no precise figure is available.

READ: Are the Libyan people ready to decide their future?

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Tunisia hands over political refugee to Algeria – Middle East Monitor https://libyamazigh.org/tunisia-hands-over-political-refugee-to-algeria-middle-east-monitor/ https://libyamazigh.org/tunisia-hands-over-political-refugee-to-algeria-middle-east-monitor/#respond Tue, 31 Aug 2021 07:00:00 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/tunisia-hands-over-political-refugee-to-algeria-middle-east-monitor/

Tunisia handed over political refugee Slimane Bouhafs to Algerian authorities because of his relations with the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylia (MAK), which Algeria has classified as a terrorist organization, media said yesterday.

Several media sources indicated that Bouhafs was arrested in Tunisia on August 25, that he had been a refugee in the country for years and that he arrived in Algiers late on August 27 or in the early hours of the next day.

Bouhafs is one of the main leaders of MAK and is the head of the Coordination of Christians of Saint-Augustin in Algeria.

The Algerian dissident is being prosecuted for joining a terrorist organization and leading missionary campaigns in the northern region of the city of Sétif, his hometown.

In July 2016, Algerian police arrested Bouhafs for insulting the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and he was sentenced to five years in prison. A court subsequently reduced his sentence to three years.

NOTICE: The policy of being Berber

After one year and eight months in prison, Bouhafs was released by presidential pardon on the occasion of Algeria’s independence day.

Bouhafs then fled to Tunisia, where he contacted the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to seek political asylum, but Tunisian authorities returned him to Algeria.

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The break between Morocco and Algeria increases tension in the Maghreb https://libyamazigh.org/the-break-between-morocco-and-algeria-increases-tension-in-the-maghreb/ https://libyamazigh.org/the-break-between-morocco-and-algeria-increases-tension-in-the-maghreb/#respond Fri, 27 Aug 2021 04:26:21 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/the-break-between-morocco-and-algeria-increases-tension-in-the-maghreb/

In a little over a decade, the Maghreb has gone from a region of marked stability to a real pressure cooker. To the institutional collapse of the neighboring Sahel, we must add a serious internal political crisis in Tunisia, a state of cyclical civil war in Libya, and now also the serious deterioration of the still delicate relations between Algeria and Morocco, the two countries. who fought for decades for regional hegemony. Algiers’ decision to sever diplomatic relations with Rabat is the result of the gradual escalation of tension experienced in recent months, and it is not known how long it will last and how far its consequences may go.

Following the Algerian High Security Council meeting last week, President Abdelmajid Tebún’s office released a list of grievances which he said would lead to a “review” of relations with Rabat. Among them, Morocco’s alleged support for two opposition parties: MAK, which defends the independence of the Amazigh region of Kabylia, and the Islamist Rachad, both classified as “terrorists” and whom the authorities accuse of be at the origin of the wave of fires. who devastated the country. Similarly, Algiers pointed to the report prepared by several international media which assures that the Moroccan secret services could have hacked the phones of more than 6,000 Algerian citizens with an Israeli spy program, which would confirm the alleged conspiracy of these two countries against Algeria.

However, experts believe there are deeper reasons behind the current conflict. “The recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara by the United States under the Trump administration has changed the state conflict, something which, added to the normalization between Morocco and Israel, fueled the fire of historically conflicting relations, ”says Haizam Amirah-Fernández, researcher at the Elcano Institute.

A few hours after the announcement of the break, the Moroccan Foreign Ministry issued a statement in which it described the decision as “unjustified” and based on “fallacious, even absurd, pretexts”. The Moroccan association with the fires in Algeria has been ridiculed on Moroccan social networks, and even with the lynching of a young man by a crowd who mistook him for an arsonist. In an ironic article, the famous Moroccan writer, Tahar Ben Jelloun, writes “It is Morocco that lit the fires in Kabylia … and in Athens, Istanbul or even in California, everyone knows that Moroccans are pure arsonists. “. For their part, Moroccan analysts maintain that Algiers’ real objective is to distract attention and popular anger from all the crises – political, health, environmental – which have accumulated this scorching summer.

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“It is clear that internal crises of various kinds, particularly health and economic, are stimulating a rise in temperature in relations with the neighboring country. But this is not only valid for Algeria, but also for Morocco. For several months now, the respective pro-government presses have been engaging in provocations creating a climate of mutual hostility, ”explains Amirah-Fernández, who specifies, however, that this mutual animosity is not shared by the citizens of the two countries.

Irene Fernández-Molina, professor at the University of Exeter and expert on the Maghreb, also sees a direct relationship between internal problems and bilateral crises in the region, one of the least integrated in the world. “When the perception of insecurity is asymmetric – as today, when Morocco is internally stronger than Algeria – relations tend to deteriorate and crises arise”, explains the professor. The analyst points to the possibility that the provocations of Morocco, at the same time when the king extended his hand to his neighbor in the throne speech at the end of July, respond to a Machiavellian strategy. “With this rupture, Morocco can present itself to the international community as the reliable partner, and to Algeria as the disclose [saboteador]“, apostille.

“Without a doubt, this is not good news for Spain, nor for the EU, nor for the Maghreb, a region which is facing many crises which require coordinated responses. And it is much more difficult when its two main countries do not have diplomatic relations ”, slips Amirah-Fernández. Various reports warn that the Mediterranean is one of the regions that will be most affected by the climate emergency, which adds to the current destabilization of its southern border, the Sahel.

Concretely, for Spain, the crisis could make it difficult to renew the trilateral agreement which allows the arrival of Algerian natural gas through the Maghreb gas pipeline, which expires in the fall. In principle, the break between Algiers and Rabat should not harm the reunion between Spain and Morocco, staged by the king of Morocco, Mohamed VI, in a speech last week. In fact, the opposite could have happened, that in anticipation of the head-on collision with Algeria, the Moroccan authorities would have accelerated the thaw with Spain to avoid having open conflicts with the two main neighbors.

Faced with such a poisoned context, it is to be feared that the spiral of provocations does not even lead to a kind of violent confrontation. At present, there have already been movements of troops at the border. “If the two regimes do not calm down, we will quickly enter into a confrontation, limited, but armed. After all, isn’t that what they want? Ali Lmrabet, a Moroccan dissident journalist, wrote in a tweet. Unsurprisingly, for years the two countries have embarked on a costly arms race – in the past five years their arms purchases have accounted for 70 % of all Africa – and historical precedents suggest that often it’s about using them.

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Renewal of Sufi rituals in war-torn Libya https://libyamazigh.org/renewal-of-sufi-rituals-in-war-torn-libya/ https://libyamazigh.org/renewal-of-sufi-rituals-in-war-torn-libya/#respond Thu, 26 Aug 2021 07:00:00 +0000 https://libyamazigh.org/renewal-of-sufi-rituals-in-war-torn-libya/

The Sufi institute was closed for six years following the 2012 attack by militants who broke into the site, detonating part of its shrine and burning books.

Bullets marks the minaret of the Sufi Mosque of Zliten in Libya, but followers of the Islamic spiritual tradition are striving to renovate and preserve their heritage.

A handful of students sit cross-legged on the floor of the Asmariya zawiya mosque, transcribing onto wooden tablets as their teacher sings Quranic verses.

Elsewhere in the complex, named in honor of its 16th-century founder Abdessalam al-Asmar, scholars ponder old manuscripts on Islamic theology and law.

Zawiya, an Arabic term for a Sufi institute providing space for religious gatherings, Koranic education and free accommodation for travelers, also includes a boarding school and a university.

Historian Fathi al-Zirkhani claims the site is the Libyan equivalent of the prestigious Al-Azhar University in Cairo, a world authority on Sunni Islam.

But despite Sufism’s long history across North Africa, Libya’s plunge into chaos after longtime autocrat Muammar Gaddafi was ousted in a 2011 uprising gave the militias carte blanche.

They understood hard-line Orthodox views, which are deeply hostile to Sufi “heretics” and their nocturnal ceremonies aimed at drawing closer to the divine.

“(Previously) dormant ideological currents, with support from abroad, took advantage of the security vacuum to attack the zawiyas,” Zirkhani said.

The Sufi Mosque in the coastal town of Zliten in Tripoli, 150 kilometers east of the Libyan capital, which is alwo a zawiya, an Arabic term for a Sufi institute offering religious education and free accommodation to travelers, also includes boarding school and university, August 11, 2021 (AFP)

In August 2012, dozens of anti-Sufism activists broke into the site, blowing up part of the shrine, stealing or burning books and damaging Asmar’s tomb.

But today, artisans are restoring terracotta tiles and repairing damage caused by extremists.

The tomb is surrounded by scaffolding but still wears its green silk cover, delicately embroidered with gold.

The zawiya welcomes several hundred students, many of them foreigners, who benefit from free accommodation and accommodation.

“I came to Libya to learn the Quran here,” Thai student Abderrahim bin Ismail said, in faltering Arabic.

Coverin Abdellah Aoch, a 17-year-old Chadian in a long blue tunic, said he worked hard to memorize verses.

“I hope to memorize the whole Quran, then go home and become a religious teacher,” he said.

Fear, mistrust and hope

When the call to prayer rings out, everyone gets up and walks through an arcaded courtyard to the mosque for midday prayers.

It is a scene that has been repeated daily for hundreds of years, but the zawiya has had a few turbulent decades.

Gaddafi, who ruled Libya with an iron fist for four decades after seizing power in a coup in 1969, was wary of the Sufis.

“He infiltrated the zawiya with his secret services, creating a climate of fear and mistrust,” said one employee, who asked to remain anonymous.

“Gaddafi chose to divide the Sufis in order to better control them.”

Muslim students study the Koran at the Sufi Mosque in the coastal town of Zliten, Tripoli, 150 kilometers east of the Libyan capital, which is also a Sufi institute offering religious education and free accommodation.

Muslim students study the Koran at the Sufi Mosque in the coastal town of Zliten, Tripoli, 150 kilometers east of the Libyan capital, which is also a Sufi institute offering religious education and free accommodation. (AFP)

But Gaddafi’s authorities “loosened the grip in the mid-1990s, which allowed the zawiyas to regain their autonomy,” he added.

After the overthrow of Gaddafi in 2011, another danger arose. The attack on Zliten, on the Mediterranean coast east of Tripoli, found an echo throughout the country.

Die-hard activists have used excavators and jackhammers to destroy numerous Sufi sites across Libya, with attacks echoing in Iraq, Pakistan and elsewhere.

Zirkhani says that the people who attacked the Zliten compound were “extremists known to the state”.

But in the chaos of post-revolt Libya, they were never held accountable.

The zawiya has also suffered from a lack of funds as it seeks to rebuild and restore its treasures. Zirkhani takes care of the ancient manuscripts he wishes to keep for posterity.

“We do not have the means or the know-how to restore them,” Zirkhani said. “We need the help of (the United Nations cultural agency) of UNESCO and of the European institutions.”

But there are some signs of hope for the Sufis in Libya.

The zawiya was closed for six years after the 2012 bombing. But in 2018 it quietly reopened and the Sufis were able to practice their customs more publicly.

Last October in Tripoli, they took to the streets of the old city to celebrate the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad, a celebration frowned upon by the more austere currents of Islam.

Source: TRTWorld and agencies

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